Field map · United States · Reviewed September 14, 2026

The chronic pain advocacy landscape Institutions, people, and lines of relationship.

This is a documented map of a fractured but interconnected field. It names public institutions and the people publicly identified with them, distinguishes cooperation from mere agreement, and places Seeds of Vice inside the landscape rather than above it.

Public sources · Named roles · Correctable record

Use this page

01 / ORIENT

What is this?

The Chronic Pain Advocacy Landscape is a source-based map of public organizations, people, functions, and documented relationships in the field.

02 / USE

What can I do with it?

Use it to compare public roles and positions without treating shared appearances, agreement, or criticism as proof of private coordination.

03 / NEXT

What should I do next?

Read the method and relationship labels first, then move into the institutional map.

Read the Method →

What this page can establish

An honest map begins by refusing invented alliances.

The chronic pain field is not one organization and it has no uncontested national leader. It contains patient organizations, litigation and policy groups, professional societies, researchers, physician defenders, media outlets, botanical policy organizations, and critics of opioid prescribing. The same person may move through several of these spaces.

This review uses official leadership pages, policy statements, organizational reports, event programs, podcasts, and attributable public posts. It gives more weight to an institution’s own current material than to commentary about it. Public criticism is included when it reveals a substantive policy or strategy dispute. Anonymous accusations and unsupported claims of grifting, infiltration, or controlled opposition are not assigned to named people.

Most important finding: public overlap is not proof of collaboration. A shared guest, shared petition, conference appearance, or common position establishes a connection. It does not establish a private alliance, coordinated campaign, or endorsement of every view held by the other party.
KEY / EVIDENCE

Four relationship labels

Not every line means the same thing.

Documented

Formal relationship

A named coalition, joint filing, shared committee, organizational partnership, or explicit collaboration.

Connected

Public interaction

An interview, event, shared public comment, credited research, or other attributable contact.

Aligned

Independent agreement

Public positions materially overlap, but no coordinated work has been established.

Divergent

Substantive difference

The organizations pursue different methods, boundaries, theories of change, or final policy goals.

01 / FIELD MAP

The principal public nodes

One cause, several centers of gravity.

The categories describe primary public function. They are not claims that an institution does only one kind of work.

InstitutionPublicly identified peoplePrimary functionRecurring public positionRelationship to the wider field
Seeds of ViceKenneth VicePublic record archive, authority mapping, civic method, and independent publishingPersonal authority, individualized care, documentary discipline, lawful public inquiry, and the Right of the HarmlessIndependent node with issue overlap across legal, grassroots, physician autonomy, and botanical constituencies
National Pain Advocacy CenterKate Nicholson; Juan Hincapie-CastilloLaw, regulation, federal and state policyIndividualized care, opposition to forced tapering and arbitrary limits, disability rights and harm reductionFormal bridge among advocates, researchers, and professional societies
The Doctor Patient ForumClaudia Merandi; Beverly SchechtmanGrassroots mobilization, patient stories, legislation, podcast and social mediaMedication access, scrutiny of PDMP systems and NarxCare, defense of patients and prescribersHigh visibility connector between patients and policy commentators
National Campaign to Protect People in PainRichard A. Lawhern; Jonelle ElgawayDecentralized advocacy, medical board outreach, moderator networkEvidence based individualized care and removal of political interferenceCoalition style network that credits and circulates work from other groups
U.S. Pain FoundationNicole Hemmenway; Cindy Steinberg; Ellen Lenox Smith; Stu SmithLarge patient nonprofit, education, state and federal advocacy, support programsMultidisciplinary care, balanced opioid policy, research, telehealth, and medical cannabisMainstream patient organization with broad program scope
U.S. Association for the Study of PainBurel Goodin; Beth Darnall; Diane Hoffmann; Kate NicholsonScientific society, research translation, professional policy advocacyPatient centered, scientifically rigorous pain careInstitutional meeting point for scientists, clinicians, advocates, and people with lived experience
American Academy of Pain MedicineAntje Barreveld and elected professional leadershipPhysician professional society and formal advocacyEvidence based multimodal care and clinician policy engagementProfessional legitimacy and agency facing policy work
Doctors of CourageLinda CheekPhysician defense, direct advocacy, anti-prohibition educationRepeal of the Controlled Substances Act and an end to drug war enforcement against doctors and patientsMaximalist edge of the physician autonomy camp
Pain News NetworkPat AnsonIndependent news and commentaryCoverage of opioids, cannabis, kratom, research, policy, and patient experienceMedia intermediary where rival views and internal conflict become visible
American Council on Science and HealthJosh Bloom; Lynn WebsterScientific and policy commentaryCriticism of opioid restrictions and claims viewed as scientifically weakTechnical media ally frequently connected to patient advocates
Cato InstituteJeffrey A. SingerLibertarian policy analysisCritique of drug prohibition and prescribing policy as drivers of harmCross movement convening and intellectual support
American Kratom AssociationMac HaddowBotanical consumer policy and state regulationRegulated access to natural kratom and opposition to schedulingAdjacent botanical constituency with substantial pain community overlap
Physicians for Responsible Opioid PrescribingAndrew Kolodny; Jane Ballantyne as prior presidentOpioid risk policy and prescribing reformReduced opioid exposure and stronger prescribing controlsCountervailing pressure and frequent object of criticism within patient advocacy

The field is fragmented, but it is not sealed into hostile camps. People, information, and public arguments cross the boundaries constantly.

02 / INSTITUTIONS

Named institutions and people

Who they are, and what they actually do.

Legal and policy

National Pain Advocacy Center

Public leadership: Founder and Executive Director Kate Nicholson; Board President Juan Hincapie-Castillo.

NPAC is the clearest institutional policy node in this landscape. Its public work includes agency comments, legislative analysis, legal and civil rights framing, opposition to forced tapering, scrutiny of DEA quota reductions and algorithmic surveillance, and collaboration with scientific and professional organizations. Its published board and scientific council connect people with lived pain to law, medicine, pharmacy, public health, disability rights, and addiction policy.

NPAC is not merely a quiet archive. It also organizes public advocacy. Nor is it a simple prescription preservation group. Its public material explicitly joins pain policy to harm reduction and the rights of people who use drugs. Official advocacy Leadership

Grassroots advocacy

The Doctor Patient Forum

Public leadership: Founder and President Claudia Merandi; Co-founder and Vice President Beverly Schechtman.

DPF is a public facing patient and clinician defense organization built around rapid communication, personal stories, state legislation, PDMP and NarxCare scrutiny, and a large social media audience. Its tone is often more direct than that of professional societies. Its podcast and campaigns also make it a bridge, not an isolated street level faction.

The evidence cuts against a simple claim that DPF and legal policy advocates are natural enemies. DPF has publicly thanked Kate Nicholson for her work, interviewed attorney and NPAC adviser Jennifer Oliva, and hosted Jeffrey Singer, Josh Bloom, Carl Hart, and other policy figures. Its recent public programming has also defended kratom users against broad crisis framing, which contradicts the idea that it permits only pharmaceutical discussion. Leadership Public podcast Public post

Distributed coalition

National Campaign to Protect People in Pain

Public contacts: Richard A. “Red” Lawhern and Jonelle Elgaway.

NCP3 presents itself as a broad campaign for evidence based pain care rather than a single centralized membership institution. It supports state medical board and pharmacy board outreach, public education, and materials that local advocates can use. Its meeting and progress reports credit other advocates and organizations, including DPF, and describe collaboration with group moderators while preserving separate voices.

Lawhern’s public record also shows the connective tissue of the movement. He has said publicly that he works with Claudia Merandi, has promoted DPF public comments, and has appeared with Kate Nicholson in a Cato Institute forum. Campaign site Reports and resources Cato event

National patient nonprofit

U.S. Pain Foundation

Public leadership: Chief Executive Officer Nicole Hemmenway; Policy and Advocacy Director Cindy Steinberg; Medical Cannabis program co-directors Ellen Lenox Smith and Stu Smith.

U.S. Pain Foundation is a large, programmatic patient organization. Its priorities include access to multidisciplinary care, balanced opioid policy, telehealth, research, and medical cannabis. That record matters because it disproves the broad assertion that mainstream pain organizations uniformly reject plant derived medicine. The actual boundary is narrower. Medical cannabis can be incorporated through regulated, evidence oriented programs while unregulated cultivation and self-preparation remain outside most formal coalition work.

The foundation also publicly discloses that it receives corporate support and publishes financial information. Funding differences are relevant to institutional incentives, but funding alone does not prove that a particular position was purchased. Leadership 2026 priorities Funding

Science and professions

USASP and AAPM

Publicly identified people: USASP President Burel Goodin; President-elect Beth Darnall; Advocacy Chair Diane Hoffmann; Advocacy Co-chair Kate Nicholson. AAPM’s current public site identifies Antje Barreveld as president.

The U.S. Association for the Study of Pain and the American Academy of Pain Medicine are institutional bridges to research and clinical practice. USASP places scientists, clinicians, patient advocates, and people with lived experience in formal committees. The presence of Nicholson and Christin Veasley in USASP leadership structures shows that the research world and the advocacy world are not separate rooms.

AAPM works through professional statements, agency engagement, and organized medicine. These institutions generally use narrower scientific language and favor multimodal care. That can create friction with advocates who hear “opioid stewardship” as a path back to coercive reduction, even when the same institution also opposes rigid limits. USASP leadership AAPM advocacy

Maximalist reform

Doctors of Courage

Public leader: Linda Cheek, physician and founder.

Doctors of Courage occupies a more radical policy position than most national pain organizations. It links the prosecution of prescribers and abandonment of patients to the Controlled Substances Act and calls for repeal rather than incremental prescribing reform. The site itself makes a substantive internal disagreement visible by contrasting Lawhern’s focus on revoking CDC prescribing guidance with Cheek’s demand to repeal the Controlled Substances Act.

This is a real division in end goals. It is not proof of personal hostility. One strategy tries to change the operational rules now governing care. The other argues that the legal architecture producing those rules must be dismantled. Official site

Media and analysis

Pain News Network, ACSH, and Cato

Public figures: Pain News Network founder and editor Pat Anson; ACSH Director of Chemical and Pharmaceutical Science Josh Bloom and contributor Lynn Webster; Cato Senior Fellow Jeffrey A. Singer.

These are not interchangeable institutions. Pain News Network reports and publishes commentary across pain, opioid, cannabis, kratom, and research debates. ACSH uses sharper scientific and polemical commentary against restrictive opioid policy. Cato supplies a libertarian critique of prohibition and convenes cross movement discussions.

They function as transmission points. DPF has interviewed Bloom and Singer. Cato placed Nicholson, Lawhern, and physician Andrea Trescot on one public panel. Pain News Network documented both the proliferation of small advocacy groups and leaders’ concerns about bickering, purity tests, and harassment. Because many interviewees were anonymous, that reporting supports a structural conclusion about fragmentation. It does not justify attaching those allegations to a named person. PNN staff Fragmentation report Unity report Josh Bloom Jeffrey Singer

Botanical policy

American Kratom Association

Public policy leader: Mac Haddow, Senior Fellow on Public Policy.

AKA is not primarily a chronic pain organization. It is a botanical consumer and regulatory organization with a constituency that overlaps the pain community. It promotes regulated access to natural kratom and opposes state scheduling. Its model is legislative and regulatory, often through versions of a Kratom Consumer Protection Act.

The organization is therefore adjacent to Seeds of Vice on questions of plant knowledge, consumer autonomy, public authority, and scheduling. The overlap does not establish collaboration, and kratom policy should not be treated as a substitute for the distinct legal and historical questions surrounding poppy plants. Official site Public policy statement

Countervailing institution

Physicians for Responsible Opioid Prescribing

Public leadership: Andrew Kolodny became president after Jane Ballantyne, effective in 2022.

PROP sits outside patient autonomy advocacy but inside the policy environment that advocacy must answer. It has promoted stronger opioid prescribing controls and became a central symbol of what pain advocates oppose. DPF’s public language directly challenges PROP, while patient advocates and policy scholars dispute the evidence, consequences, and institutional influence of restriction centered approaches.

A serious movement map includes the opposing policy node without turning disagreement into speculation about private motives. The documented conflict concerns policy, evidence, influence, and consequences. Official leadership notice

03 / RELATIONSHIPS

Where the lines actually run

Connection without conformity.

Documented bridge

NPAC ↔ USASP and allied institutions

Kate Nicholson co-chairs USASP advocacy, and NPAC publicly describes coalition work with scientific, disability, patient, and professional groups. This is a formal institutional relationship.

Documented bridge

DPF ↔ policy commentators

DPF interviews and campaigns connect Merandi and Schechtman’s grassroots audience with Oliva, Singer, Bloom, and other legal, medical, and policy voices.

Connected network

Lawhern ↔ Nicholson ↔ Merandi

Lawhern has appeared publicly with Nicholson and stated that he works with Merandi. DPF has publicly praised Nicholson. The record shows interaction across the supposed street and legal divide.

Shared constituency

Pain advocacy ↔ botanical policy

Medical cannabis programming and kratom coverage cross into mainstream pain spaces. The hard boundary appears closer to unregulated self-cultivation and preparation than to every form of plant medicine.

Strategic divergence

Incremental reform ↔ repeal

Most organizations seek changes to guidelines, boards, payer rules, surveillance systems, and enforcement practice. Doctors of Courage publicly argues for repeal of the Controlled Substances Act itself.

Counterpressure

Patient autonomy ↔ restriction centered policy

PROP and allied restriction arguments remain the clearest external counterforce. The dispute centers on risk, evidence, regulatory power, and the consequences of prescribing reduction.

04 / DIVIDES

The real fault lines

What divides the movement after the slogans end.

Immediate relief or durable precedent

Public campaigns seek attention and rapid pressure. Legal and regulatory work seeks language that survives agency review, litigation, and leadership changes. The strongest efforts use both, but the tempo and evidentiary discipline are different.

Prescription access or broader bodily autonomy

Some advocates focus on restoring clinician authority within the existing medical system. Others extend the claim to drug prohibition, botanical self-management, or repeal of federal control. Agreement on forced tapering does not settle the larger question.

Multimodal care as expansion or substitution

Formal institutions often support behavioral, rehabilitative, interventional, pharmaceutical, and complementary care together. Patients become suspicious when “multimodal” is used to remove a medication that was helping rather than add meaningful options.

Institutional legitimacy or institutional capture

Coalitions need access to agencies, professional societies, donors, and researchers. Grassroots advocates fear that access can soften the demand or exclude people with stigmatized practices. The record supports examining funding and governance. It does not support treating every relationship as corruption.

Central coordination or independent cells

A national coalition can concentrate expertise and speak in formal proceedings. Decentralized groups can adapt to state boards and protect local autonomy. Fragmentation becomes harmful when it duplicates work, obscures responsibility, or turns strategic disagreement into personal warfare.

Witness, expert, and representative authority

Lived experience establishes what happened to a person. Technical expertise helps explain systems. Organizational leadership can coordinate work. None of those roles automatically grants the right to speak for every patient, clinician, or advocate.

05 / POSITION

Seeds of Vice in the field

Related to many. Owned by none.

Publicly identified founder and publisher: Kenneth Vice, Oklahoma Lobbyist #651113.

Seeds of Vice is not a neutral clearinghouse and should not pretend to be one. It is an independent institution with a declared doctrine: personal authority, documentary discipline, lawful public inquiry, and protection of individualized pain care.

Strongest methodological kinship: NPAC’s source driven legal and regulatory work, USASP’s effort to place research beside lived experience, and NCP3’s distributed state and board level advocacy.

Strongest issue alignment: DPF, NCP3, ACSH, Cato, and physician defenders on forced tapering, prescriber fear, algorithmic surveillance, regulatory overreach, and the human consequences of blunt opioid policy.

Strongest botanical adjacency: AKA and medical cannabis advocates on plant knowledge, scheduling, consumer autonomy, and the difference between a botanical substance and a simplified crisis narrative.

Important divergence: Seeds of Vice places unusual emphasis on primary source archives, identification of the exact controlling authority, individual self-representation, poppy history, and the Right of the Harmless. It does not treat access to a prescription as the complete measure of personal authority.

Verified collaboration status: this review found no public source establishing a formal partnership between Seeds of Vice or Kenneth Vice and the institutions or people mapped above. Any current relationship should therefore be described as public alignment, adjacency, or potential compatibility unless a joint project, shared filing, formal role, or explicit statement establishes more.

The practical answer to “Who works with Kenneth Vice?” is presently narrow: the public record establishes Seeds of Vice’s work, method, and positions. It does not establish the quiet FOIA network, doctor defense circle, or underground ethnobotanical alliance described in the earlier draft. Those claims should not be published as fact without named evidence.

Editorial conclusion

The movement’s weakness is not disagreement. It is unmarked disagreement.

A healthy field can contain incremental lawyers, direct action organizers, research societies, abolitionists, botanical advocates, and independent archivists. The danger begins when a public interaction is inflated into an alliance, a strategic difference is recast as betrayal, or an allegation is repeated until it becomes a biography.

The useful task is to mark the relationship honestly. Say who filed together, who appeared together, who merely agrees, who disagrees, and what the evidence can actually carry. That standard will not end conflict. It can keep conflict from becoming fiction.

Scope: This is a map of prominent public nodes, not a census of every pain organization, Facebook group, researcher, clinician, or state advocate. Inclusion does not imply endorsement. Omission does not imply insignificance.

Seeds of Vice is an independent educational and public record institution. This page provides policy analysis, not medical or legal advice, and does not provide instruction for obtaining, preparing, or using controlled substances. To correct a name, role, relationship, or source, use the contact page and identify the exact sentence and stronger public source.